Declaration of the Causes and Necessity
of Taking Up Arms
July 6, 1775
A declaration by
the representatives of the united colonies of North America, now met in
Congress at Philadelphia, setting forth the causes and necessity of their
taking up arms.
If it was
possible for men, who exercise their reason to believe, that the divine
Author of our existence intended a part of the human race to hold an
absolute property in, and an unbounded power over others, marked out by
his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal domination
never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the
inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the parliament
of Great-Britain some evidence, that this dreadful authority over them,
has been granted to that body. But a reverance for our Creator, principles
of humanity, and the dictates of common sense, must convince all those who
reflect upon the subject, that government was instituted to promote the
welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment of
that end. The legislature of Great-Britain, however, stimulated by an
inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable, but which they know
to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution of that kingdom, and
desparate of success in any mode of contest, where regard should be had to
truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect
their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence,
and have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last
appeal from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that assembly may be, by
their intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to sight justice and
the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations of
respect to the rest of the world, to make known the justice of our cause.
Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great-Britain, left their
native land, to seek on these shores a residence for civil and religious
freedom. At the expense of their blood, at the hazard of their fortunes,
without the least charge to the country from which they removed, by
unceasing labour, and an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements
in the distant and unhospitable wilds of America, then filled with
numerous and warlike barbarians. -- Societies or governments, vested with
perfect legislatures, were formed under charters from the crown, and an
harmonious intercourse was established between the colonies and the
kingdom from which they derived their origin. The mutual benefits of this
union became in a short time so extraordinary, as to excite astonishment.
It is universally confessed, that the amazing increase of the wealth,
strength, and navigation of the realm, arose from this source; and the
minister, who so wisely and successfully directed the measures of
Great-Britain in the late war, publicly declared, that these colonies
enabled her to triumph over her enemies. --Towards the conclusion of that
war, it pleased our sovereign to make a change in his counsels. -- From
that fatal movement, the affairs of the British empire began to fall into
confusion, and gradually sliding from the summit of glorious prosperity,
to which they had been advanced by the virtues and abilities of one man,
are at length distracted by the convulsions, that now shake it to its
deepest foundations. -- The new ministry finding the brave foes of
Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the
unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and then subduing her
faithful friends.
These colonies
were judged to be in such a state, as to present victories without
bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statuteable plunder. -- The
uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful behaviour from the
beginning of colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and useful services
during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most
honourable manner by his majesty, by the late king, and by parliament,
could not save them from the meditated innovations. -- Parliament was
influenced to adopt the pernicious project, and assuming a new power over
them, have in the course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of
the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt
concerning the effects of acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to
give and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever
exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property; statutes have
been passed for extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and
vice-admiralty beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us of the
accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial by jury, in cases affecting
both life and property; for suspending the legislature of one of the
colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another; and for
altering fundamentally the form of government established by charter, and
secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly confirmed by the crown;
for exempting the "murderers" of colonists from legal trial, and
in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring province,
acquired by the joint arms of Great-Britain and America, a despotism
dangerous to our very existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the
colonists in time of profound peace. It has also been resolved in
parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain offences, shall
be transported to England to be tried. But why should we enumerate our
injuries in detail? By one statute it is declared, that parliament can
"of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever." What is
to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single man
of those who assume it, is chosen by us; or is subject to our control or
influence; but, on the contrary, they are all of them exempt from the
operation of such laws, and an American revenue, if not diverted from the
ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually lighten their
own burdens in proportion, as they increase ours. We saw the misery to
which such despotism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly and
ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we
remonstrated with parliament, in the most mild and decent language.
Administration
sensible that we should regard these oppressive measures as freemen ought
to do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce them. The indignation of the
Americans was roused, it is true; but it was the indignation of a
virtuous, loyal, and affectionate people. A Congress of delegates from the
United Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last
September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful petition to
the King, and also addressed our fellow-subjects of Great-Britain. We have
pursued every temperate, every respectful measure; we have even proceeded
to break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow-subjects, as the
last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth
should supplant our attachment to liberty. -- This, we flattered
ourselves, was the ultimate step of the controversy: but subsequent events
have shewn, how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies.
Several
threatening expressions against the colonies were inserted in his
majesty's speech; our petition, tho' we were told it was a decent one, and
that his majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously, and to promise
laying it before his parliament, was huddled into both houses among a
bundle of American papers, and there neglected. The lords and commons in
their address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion at
that time actually existed within the province of Massachusetts- Bay; and
that those concerned with it, had been countenanced and encouraged by
unlawful combinations and engagements, entered into by his majesty's
subjects in several of the other colonies; and therefore they besought his
majesty, that he would take the most effectual measures to inforce due
obediance to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature." --
Soon after, the commercial intercourse of whole colonies, with foreign
countries, and with each other, was cut off by an act of parliament; by
another several of them were intirely prohibited from the fisheries in the
seas near their coasts, on which they always depended for their
sustenance; and large reinforcements of ships and troops were immediately
sent over to general Gage.
Fruitless were
all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an illustrious band of the
most distinguished peers, and commoners, who nobly and strenuously
asserted the justice of our cause, to stay, or even to mitigate the
heedless fury with which these accumulated and unexampled outrages were
hurried on. -- equally fruitless was the interference of the city of
London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our favor.
Parliament adopted an insidious manoeuvre calculated to divide us, to
establish a perpetual auction of taxations where colony should bid against
colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives; and
thus to extort from us, at the point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that
should be sufficient to gratify, if possible to gratify, ministerial
rapacity, with the miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our own
mode, the prescribed tribute. What terms more rigid and humiliating could
have been dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies? in our
circumstances to accept them, would be to deserve them.
Soon after the
intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this continent, general Gage,
who in the course of the last year had taken possession of the town of
Boston, in the province of Massachusetts-Bay, and still occupied it a
garrison, on the 19th day of April, sent out from that place a large
detachment of his army, who made an unprovoked assault on the inhabitants
of the said province, at the town of Lexington, as appears by the
affidavits of a great number of persons, some of whom were officers and
soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of the inhabitants, and
wounded many others. From thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to
the town of Concord, where they set upon another party of the inhabitants
of the same province, killing several and wounding more, until compelled
to retreat by the country people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel
aggression. Hostilities, thus commenced by the British troops, have been
since prosecuted by them without regard to faith or reputation. -- The
inhabitants of Boston being confined within that town by the general their
governor, and having, in order to procure their dismission, entered into a
treaty with him, it was stipulated that the said inhabitants having
deposited their arms with their own magistrate, should have liberty to
depart, taking with them their other effects. They accordingly delivered
up their arms, but in open violation of honour, in defiance of the
obligation of treaties, which even savage nations esteemed sacred, the
governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that they might be
preserved for their owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers; detained
the greatest part of the inhabitants in the town, and compelled the few
who were permitted to retire, to leave their most valuable effects behind.
By this perfidy
wives are separated from their husbands, children from their parents, the
aged and the sick from their relations and friends, who wish to attend and
comfort them; and those who have been used to live in plenty and even
elegance, are reduced to deplorable distress.
The general,
further emulating his ministerial masters, by a proclamation bearing date
on the 12th day of June, after venting the grossest falsehoods and
calumnies against the good people of these colonies, proceeds to
"declare them all, either by name or description, to be rebels and
traitors, to supercede the course of the common law, and instead thereof
to publish and order the use and exercise of the law martial." -- His
troops have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burnt Charlestown,
besides a considerable number of houses in other places; our ships and
vessels are seized; the necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted,
and he is exerting his utmost power to spread destruction and devastation
around him.
We have rceived
certain intelligence, that general Carleton, the governor of Canada, is
instigating the people of that province and the Indians to fall upon us;
and we have but too much reason to apprehend, that schemes have been
formed to excite domestic enemies against us. In brief, a part of these
colonies now feel, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the
vengeance of administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities
of fire, sword and famine. [1] We are reduced to the alternative of
chusing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers,
or resistance by force. -- The latter is our choice. -- We have counted
the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary
slavery. -- Honour, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender
that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our
innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the
infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness
which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon
them.
Our cause is
just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great, and, if
necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. -- We gratefully
acknowledge, as signal instances of the Divine favour towards us, that his
Providence would not permit us to be called into this severe controversy,
until we were grown up to our present strength, had been previously
exercised in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of defending
ourselves. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we most
solemnly, before God and the world, declare, that, exerting the utmost
energy of those powers, which our beneficent Creator hath graciously
bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to
assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and
perseverence, employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with one
mind resolved to die freemen rather than to live slaves.
Lest this
declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow-subjects
in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean not to dissolve
that union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and
which we sincerely wish to see restored. -- Necessity has not yet driven
us into that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation
to war against them. -- We have not raised armies with ambitious designs
of separating from Great-Britain, and establishing independent states. We
fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable
spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any
imputation or even suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges
and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or
death.
In our own
native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birthright, and which
we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it -- for the protection of our
property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our fore-fathers and
ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We
shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the
aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and
not before.
With an humble
confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of
the Universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us
happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to
reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from
the calamities of civil war.
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