John Locke
1690
Sect. 52. IT may perhaps be censured as an
impertinent criticism, in a discourse of this nature, to find fault with
words and names, that have obtained in the world: and yet possibly it may
not be amiss to offer new ones, when the old are apt to lead men into
mistakes, as this of paternal power probably has done, which seems
so to place the power of parents over their children wholly in the father,
as if the mother had no share in it; whereas, if we consult reason
or revelation, we shall find, she hath an equal title. This may give one
reason to ask, whether this might not be more properly called parental
power? for whatever obligation nature and the right of generation lays
on children, it must certainly bind them equal to both the concurrent
causes of it. And accordingly we see the positive law of God every where
joins them together, without distinction, when it commands the obedience
of children, Honour thy father and thy mother, Exod. xx. 12.
Whosoever curseth his father or his mother, Lev. xx. 9. Ye
shall fear every man his mother and his father, Lev. xix. 3.
Children, obey your parents, &c. Eph. vi. 1. is the stile of the
Old and New Testament.
Sect. 53. Had but this one thing been well
considered, without looking any deeper into the matter, it might perhaps
have kept men from running into those gross mistakes, they have made,
about this power of parents; which, however it might, without any great
harshness, bear the name of absolute dominion, and regal authority, when
under the title of paternal power it seemed appropriated to the
father, would yet have founded but oddly, and in the very name shewn the
absurdity, if this supposed absolute power over children had been called parental;
and thereby have discovered, that it belonged to the mother too:
for it will but very ill serve the turn of those men, who contend so much
for the absolute power and authority of the fatherhood, as they
call it, that the mother should have any share in it; and it would
have but ill supported the monarchy they contend for, when by the
very name it appeared, that that fundamental authority, from whence they
would derive their government of a single person only, was not placed in
one, but two persons jointly. But to let this of names pass.
Sect. 54. Though I have said above, Chap.
II. That all men by nature are equal, I cannot be supposed to
understand all sorts of equality: age or virtue may
give men a just precedency: excellency of parts and merit may place
others above the common level: birth may subject some, and alliance
or benefits others, to pay an observance to those to whom nature,
gratitude, or other respects, may have made it due: and yet all this
consists with the equality, which all men are in, in respect of
jurisdiction or dominion one over another; which was the equality I
there spoke of, as proper to the business in hand, being that equal
right, that every man hath, to his natural freedom, without
being subjected to the will or authority of any other man.
Sect. 55. Children, I confess, are
not born in this full state of equality, though they are born to
it. Their parents have a sort of rule and jurisdiction over them, when
they come into the world, and for some time after; but it is but a
temporary one. The bonds of this subjection are like the swaddling clothes
they art wrapt up in, and supported by, in the weakness of their infancy:
age and reason as they grow up, loosen them, till at length they drop
quite off, and leave a man at his own free disposal.
Sect. 56. Adam was created a
perfect man, his body and mind in full possession of their strength and
reason, and so was capable, from the first instant of his being to provide
for his own support and preservation, and govern his actions according to
the dictates of the law of reason which God had implanted in him. From him
the world is peopled with his descendants, who are all born infants, weak
and helpless, without knowledge or understanding: but to supply the
defects of this imperfect state, till the improvement of growth and age
hath removed them, Adam and Eve, and after them all parents
were, by the law of nature, under an obligation to preserve, nourish,
and educate the children they had begotten; not as their own
workmanship, but the workmanship of their own maker, the Almighty, to whom
they were to be accountable for them.
Sect. 57. The law, that was to govern Adam,
was the same that was to govern all his posterity, the law of reason.
But his offspring having another way of entrance into the world, different
from him, by a natural birth, that produced them ignorant and without the
use of reason, they were not presently under that law; for no body
can be under a law, which is not promulgated to him; and this law being
promulgated or made known by reason only, he that is not come to the use
of his reason, cannot be said to be under this law; and Adam's
children, being not presently as soon as born under this law of reason,
were not presently free: for law, in its true notion, is not
so much the limitation as the direction of a free and intelligent agent
to his proper interest, and prescribes no farther than is for the general
good of those under that law: could they be happier without it, the law,
as an useless thing, would of itself vanish; and that ill deserves the
name of confinement which hedges us in only from bogs and precipices. So
that, however it may be mistaken, the end of law is not to abolish
or restrain, but to preserve and enlarge freedom: for in all the
states of created beings capable of laws, where there is no law, there
is no freedom. For liberty is to be free from restraint and
violence from others; which cannot be, where there is no law: but freedom
is not, as we are told, a liberty for every man to do what he lists:
(for who could be free, when every other man's humour might domineer over
him?) but a liberty to dispose, and order as he lists, his person,
actions, possessions, and his whole property, within the allowance of
those laws under which he is, and therein not to be subject to the
arbitrary will of another, but freely follow his own.
Sect. 58. The power, then, that
parents have over their children, arises from that duty which is
incumbent on them, to take care of their off-spring, during the imperfect
state of childhood. To inform the mind, and govern the actions of their
yet ignorant nonage, till reason shall take its place, and ease them of
that trouble, is what the children want, and the parents are bound to: for
God having given man an understanding to direct his actions, has allowed
him a freedom of will, and liberty of acting, as properly belonging
thereunto, within the bounds of that law he is under. But whilst he is in
an estate, wherein he has not understanding of his own to direct
his will, he is not to have any will of his own to follow: he that understands
for him, must will for him too; he must prescribe to his will, and
regulate his actions; but when he comes to the estate that made his father
a freeman, the son is a freeman too.
Sect. 59. This holds in all the laws a man
is under, whether natural or civil. Is a man under the law of nature? What
made him free of that law? what gave him a free disposing of his
property, according to his own will, within the compass of that law? I
answer, a state of maturity wherein he might be supposed capable to know
that law, that so he might keep his actions within the bounds of it. When
he has acquired that state, he is presumed to know how far that law is to
be his guide, and how far he may make use of his freedom, and so comes to
have it; till then, some body else must guide him, who is presumed to know
how far the law allows a liberty. If such a state of reason, such an age
of discretion made him free, the same shall make his son free too.
Is a man under the law of England? What made him free of
that law? that is, to have the liberty to dispose of his actions and
possessions according to his own will, within the permission of that law?
A capacity of knowing that law; which is supposed by that law, at the age
of one and twenty years, and in some cases sooner. If this made the
father free, it shall make the son free too. Till
then we see the law allows the son to have no will, but he is to be guided
by the will of his father or guardian, who is to understand for him. And
if the father die, and fail to substitute a deputy in his trust; if he
hath not provided a tutor, to govern his son, during his minority, during
his want of understanding, the law takes care to do it; some other must
govern him, and be a will to him, till he hath attained to a state of
freedom, and his understanding be fit to take the government of his
will. But after that, the father and son are equally free as much
as tutor and pupil after nonage; equally subjects of the same law
together, without any dominion left in the father over the life, liberty,
or estate of his son, whether they be only in the state and under the law
of nature, or under the positive laws of an established government.
Sect. 60. But if, through defects that may
happen out of the ordinary course of nature, any one comes not to such a
degree of reason, wherein he might be supposed capable of knowing the law,
and so living within the rules of it, he is never capable of being a
free man, he is never let loose to the disposure of his own will
(because he knows no bounds to it, has not understanding, its proper
guide) but is continued under the tuition and government of others, all
the time his own understanding is uncapable of that charge. And so lunatics
and idiots are never set free from the government of their parents;
children, who are not as yet come unto those years whereat they may
have; and innocents which are excluded by a natural defect from ever
having; thirdly, madmen, which for the present cannot possibly have
the use of right reason to guide themselves, have for their guide, the
reason that guideth other men which are tutors over them, to seek and
procure their good for them, says Hooker, Eccl. Pol. lib. i. sec. 7.
All which seems no more than that duty, which God and nature has laid on
man, as well as other creatures, to preserve their offspring, till they
can be able to shift for themselves, and will scarce amount to an instance
or proof of parents regal authority.
Sect. 61. Thus we are born free, as
we are born rational; not that we have actually the exercise of either:
age, that brings one, brings with it the other too. And thus we see how natural
freedom and subjection to parents may consist together, and are both
founded on the same principle. A child is free by his
father's title, by his father's understanding, which is to govern him till
he hath it of his own. The freedom of a man at years of discretion,
and the subjection of a child to his parents, whilst
yet short of that age, are so consistent, and so distinguishable, that the
most blinded contenders for monarchy, by right of fatherhood,
cannot miss this difference; the most obstinate cannot but allow
their consistency: for were their doctrine all true, were the right heir
of Adam now known, and by that title settled a monarch in his
throne, invested with all the absolute unlimited power Sir R[obert]
F[ilmer] talks of; if he should die as soon as his heir were born,
must not the child, notwithstanding he were never so free, never so
much sovereign, be in subjection to his mother and nurse, to tutors and
governors, till age and education brought him reason and ability to govern
himself and others? The necessities of his life, the health of his body,
and the information of his mind, would require him to be directed by the
will of others, and not his own; and yet will any one think, that this
restraint and subjection were inconsistent with, or spoiled him of that
liberty or sovereignty he had a right to, or gave away his empire to those
who had the government of his nonage? This government over him only
prepared him the better and sooner for it. If any body should ask me, when
my son is of age to be free? I shall answer, just when his monarch
is of age to govern. But at what time, says the judicious Hooker,
Eccl. Pol. l. i. sect. 6. a man may be said to have attained so far
forth the use of reason, as sufficeth to make him capable of those laws
whereby he is then bound to guide his actions: this is a great deal more
easy for sense to discern, than for any one by skill and learning to
determine.
Sect. 62. Common-wealths themselves take
notice of, and allow, that there is a time when men are to begin
to act like free men, and therefore till that time require not oaths
of fealty, or allegiance, or other public owning of, or submission to the
government of their countries.
Sect. 63. The freedom then of man,
and liberty of acting according to his own will, is grounded on his
having reason, which is able to instruct him in that law he is to
govern himself by, and make him know how far he is left to the freedom of
his own will. To turn him loose to an unrestrained liberty, before he has
reason to guide him, is not the allowing him the privilege of his nature
to be free; but to thrust him out amongst brutes, and abandon him to a
state as wretched, and as much beneath that of a man, as their's. This is
that which puts the authority into the parents hands to
govern the minority of their children. God hath made it their
business to employ this care on their offspring, and hath placed in them
suitable inclinations of tenderness and concern to temper this power, to
apply it, as his wisdom designed it, to the children's good, as long as
they should need to be under it.
Sect. 64. But what reason can hence
advance this care of the parents due to their off-spring into an absolute
arbitrary dominion of the father, whose power reaches no farther, than
by such a discipline, as he finds most effectual, to give such strength
and health to their bodies, such vigour and rectitude to their minds, as
may best fit his children to be most useful to themselves and others; and,
if it be necessary to his condition, to make them work, when they are
able, for their own subsistence. But in this power the mother too
has her share with the father.
Sect. 65. Nay, this power so little
belongs to the father by any peculiar right of nature, but only as
he is guardian of his children, that when he quits his care of them, he
loses his power over them, which goes along with their nourishment and
education, to which it is inseparably annexed; and it belongs as much to
the foster-father of an exposed child, as to the natural father of
another. So little power does the bare act of begetting give a man
over his issue; if all his care ends there, and this be all the title he
hath to the name and authority of a father. And what will become of this paternal
power in that part of the world, where one woman hath more than one
husband at a time? or in those parts of America, where, when the
husband and wife part, which happens frequently, the children are all left
to the mother, follow her, and are wholly under her care and provision? If
the father die whilst the children are young, do they not naturally every
where owe the same obedience to their mother, during their
minority, as to their father were he alive? and will any one say, that the
mother hath a legislative power over her children? that she can
make standing rules, which shall be of perpetual obligation, by which they
ought to regulate all the concerns of their property, and bound their
liberty all the course of their lives? or can she inforce the observation
of them with capital punishments? for this is the proper power of the
magistrate, of which the father hath not so much as the shadow. His
command over his children is but temporary, and reaches not their life or
property: it is but a help to the weakness and imperfection of their
nonage, a discipline necessary to their education: and though a father
may dispose of his own possessions as he pleases, when his children are
out of danger of perishing for want, yet his power extends not to
the lives or goods, which either their own industry, or another's bounty
has made their's; nor to their liberty neither, when they are once arrived
to the infranchisement of the years of discretion. The father's empire
then ceases, and he can from thence forwards no more dispose of the
liberty of his son, than that of any other man: and it must be far from an
absolute or perpetual jurisdiction, from which a man may withdraw himself,
having license from divine authority to leave father and mother, and
cleave to his wife.
Sect. 66. But though there be a time when
a child comes to be as free from subjection to the will and
command of his father, as the father himself is free from subjection to
the will of any body else, and they are each under no other restraint, but
that which is common to them both, whether it be the law of nature, or
municipal law of their country; yet this freedom exempts not a son from
that honour which he ought, by the law of God and nature, to pay
his parents. God having made the parents instruments in his great
design of continuing the race of mankind, and the occasions of life to
their children; as he hath laid on them an obligation to nourish,
preserve, and bring up their offspring; so he has laid on the children a
perpetual obligation of honouring their parents, which containing
in it an inward esteem and reverence to be shewn by all outward
expressions, ties up the child from any thing that may ever injure or
affront, disturb or endanger, the happiness or life of those from whom he
received his; and engages him in all actions of defence, relief,
assistance and comfort of those, by whose means he entered into being, and
has been made capable of any enjoyments of life: from this obligation no
state, no freedom can absolve children. But this is very far from giving
parents a power of command over their children, or an authority to make
laws and dispose as they please of their lives or liberties. It is one
thing to owe honour, respect, gratitude and assistance; another to require
an absolute obedience and submission. The honour due to parents, a
monarch in his throne owes his mother; and yet this lessens not his
authority, nor subjects him to her government.
Sect. 67. The subjection of a minor places
in the father a temporary government, which terminates with the minority
of the child: and the honour due from a child, places in the
parents a perpetual right to respect, reverence, support and compliance
too, more or less, as the father's care, cost, and kindness in his
education, has been more or less. This ends not with minority, but holds
in all parts and conditions of a man's life. The want of distinguishing
these two powers, viz. that which the father hath in the right of tuition,
during minority, and the right of honour all his life, may perhaps
have caused a great part of the mistakes about this matter: for to speak
properly of them, the first of these is rather the privilege of children,
and duty of parents, than any prerogative of paternal power. The
nourishment and education of their children is a charge so incumbent on
parents for their children's good, that nothing can absolve them from
taking care of it: and though the power of commanding and chastising
them go along with it, yet God hath woven into the principles of human
nature such a tenderness for their off-spring, that there is little fear
that parents should use their power with too much rigour; the excess is
seldom on the severe side, the strong byass of nature drawing the other
way. And therefore God almighty when he would express his gentle dealing
with the Israelites, he tells them, that though he chastened them, he
chastened them as a man chastens his son, Deut. viii. 5. i.e. with
tenderness and affection, and kept them under no severer discipline than
what was absolutely best for them, and had been less kindness to have
slackened. This is that power to which children are commanded obedience,
that the pains and care of their parents may not be increased, or ill
rewarded.
Sect. 68. On the other side, honour
and support, all that which gratitude requires to return for the benefits
received by and from them, is the indispensable duty of the child, and the
proper privilege of the parents. This is intended for the parents
advantage, as the other is for the child's; though education, the parents
duty, seems to have most power, because the ignorance and infirmities of
childhood stand in need of restraint and correction; which is a visible
exercise of rule, and a kind of dominion. And that duty which is
comprehended in the word honour, requires less obedience, though the
obligation be stronger on grown, than younger children: for who can think
the command, Children obey your parents, requires in a man, that
has children of his own, the same submission to his father, as it does in
his yet young children to him; and that by this precept he were bound to
obey all his father's commands, if, out of a conceit of authority, he
should have the indiscretion to treat him still as a boy?
Sect. 69. The first part then of paternal
power, or rather duty, which is education, belongs so to the
father, that it terminates at a certain season; when the business of
education is over, it ceases of itself, and is also alienable before: for
a man may put the tuition of his son in other hands; and he that has made
his son an apprentice to another, has discharged him, during that
time, of a great part of his obedience both to himself and to his mother.
But all the duty of honour, the other part, remains never the less
entire to them; nothing can cancel that: it is so inseparable from them
both, that the father's authority cannot dispossess the mother of this
right, nor can any man discharge his son from honouring her that bore him.
But both these are very far from a power to make laws, and enforcing them
with penalties, that may reach estate, liberty, limbs and life. The power
of commanding ends with nonage; and though, after that, honour and
respect, support and defence, and whatsoever gratitude can oblige a man
to, for the highest benefits he is naturally capable of, be always due
from a son to his parents; yet all this puts no scepter into the father's
hand, no sovereign power of commanding. He has no dominion over his son's
property, or actions; nor any right, that his will should prescribe to his
son's in all things; however it may become his son in many things, not
very inconvenient to him and his family, to pay a deference to it.
Sect. 70. A man may owe honour and
respect to an ancient, or wise man; defence to his child or friend; relief
and support to the distressed; and gratitude to a benefactor, to such a
degree, that all he has, all he can do, cannot sufficiently pay it: but
all these give no authority, no right to any one, of making laws over him
from whom they are owing. And it is plain, all this is due not only to the
bare title of father; not only because, as has been said, it is owing to
the mother too; but because these obligations to parents, and the degrees
of what is required of children, may be varied by the different care and
kindness, trouble and expence, which is often employed upon one child more
than another.
Sect. 71. This shews the reason how it
comes to pass, that parents in societies, where they themselves are
subjects, retain a power over their children, and have as much
right to their subjection, as those who are in the state of nature. Which
could not possibly be, if all political power were only paternal, and that
in truth they were one and the same thing: for then, all paternal power
being in the prince, the subject could naturally have none of it. But
these two powers, political and paternal, are so
perfectly distinct and separate; are built upon so different
foundations, and given to so different ends, that every subject that is a
father, has as much a paternal power over his children, as the
prince has over his: and every prince, that has parents, owes them as much
filial duty and obedience, as the meanest of his subjects do to their's;
and can therefore contain not any part or degree of that kind of dominion,
which a prince or magistrate has over his subject.
Sect. 72. Though the obligation on the
parents to bring up their children, and the obligation on children
to honour their parents, contain all the power on the one hand, and
submission on the other, which are proper to this relation, yet there is another
power ordinarily in the father, whereby he has a tie on the
obedience of his children; which tho' it be common to him with other men,
yet the occasions of shewing it, almost consich tho' it be common to him
with other men, yet the occasions of shewing it, almost constantly
happening to fathers in their private families, and the instances of it
elsewhere being rare, and less taken notice of, it passes in the world for
a part of paternal jurisdiction. And this is the power men
generally have to bestow their estates on those who please them
best; the possession of the father being the expectation and inheritance
of the children, ordinarily in certain proportions, according to the law
and custom of each country; yet it is commonly in the father's power to
bestow it with a more sparing or liberal hand, according as the behaviour
of this or that child hath comported with his will and humour.
Sect. 73. This is no small tie on the
obedience of children: and there being always annexed to the enjoyment of
land, a submission to the government of the country, of which that land is
a part; it has been commonly supposed, that a father could oblige
his posterity to that government, of which he himself was a subject,
and that his compact held them; whereas, it being only a necessary
condition annexed to the land, and the inheritance of an estate which is
under that government, reaches only those who will take it on that
condition, and so is no natural tie or engagement, but a voluntary
submission: for every man's children being by nature as free
as himself, or any of his ancestors ever were, may, whilst they are in
that freedom, choose what society they will join themselves to, what
common-wealth they will put themselves under. But if they will enjoy the inheritance
of their ancestors, they must take it on the same terms their ancestors
had it, and submit to all the conditions annexed to such a possession. By
this power indeed fathers oblige their children to obedience to
themselves, even when they are past minority, and most commonly too
subject them to this or that political power: but neither of these by any
peculiar right of fatherhood, but by the reward they have in their
hands to inforce and recompence such a compliance; and is no more power
than what a French man has over an English man, who by the
hopes of an estate he will leave him, will certainly have a strong tie on
his obedience: and if, when it is left him, he will enjoy it, he must
certainly take it upon the conditions annexed to the possession of land
in that country where it lies, whether it be France or England.
Sect. 74. To conclude then, tho' the father's
power of commanding extends no farther than the minority of his
children, and to a degree only fit for the discipline and government of
that age; and tho' that honour and respect, and all that which the Latins
called piety, which they indispensably owe to their parents all
their life-time, and in all estates, with all that support and defence is
due to them, gives the father no power of governing, i.e. making
laws and enacting penalties on his children; though by all this he has no
dominion over the property or actions of his son: yet it is obvious to
conceive how easy it was, in the first ages of the world, and in places
still, where the thinness of people gives families leave to separate into
unpossessed quarters, and they have room to remove or plant themselves in
yet vacant habitations, for the father of the family to become the
prince of* it; he had been a ruler from the beginning of the infancy of
his children: and since without some government it would be hard for them
to live together, it was likeliest it should, by the express or tacit
consent of the children when they were grown up, be in the father, where
it seemed without any change barely to continue; when indeed nothing more
was required to it, than the permitting the father to exercise
alone, in his family, that executive power of the law of nature, which
every free man naturally hath, and by that permission resigning up to him
a monarchical power, whilst they remained in it. But that this was not by
any paternal right, but only by the consent of his children, is
evident from hence, that no body doubts, but if a stranger, whom chance or
business had brought to his family, had there killed any of his children,
or committed any other fact, he might condemn and put him to death, or
other-wise have punished him, as well as any of his children; which it was
impossible he should do by virtue of any paternal authority over one who
was not his child, but by virtue of that executive power of the law of
nature, which, as a man, he had a right to: and he alone could punish him
in his family, where the respect of his children had laid by the exercise
of such a power, to give way to the dignity and authority they were
willing should remain in him, above the rest of his family.
(*It is no improbable opinion therefore,
which the archphilosopher was of, that the chief person in every houshold
was always, as it were, a king: so when numbers of housholds joined
themselves in civil societies together, kings were the first kind of
governors amongst them, which is also, as it seemeth, the reason why the
name of fathers continued still in them, who, of fathers, were made
rulers; as also the ancient custom of governors to do as Melchizedec,
and being kings, to exercise the office of priests, which fathers did at
the first, grew perhaps by the same occasion. Howbeit, this is not the
only kind of regiment that has been received in the world. The
inconveniences of one kind have caused sundry others to be devised; so
that in a word, all public regiment, of what kind soever, seemeth
evidently to have risen from the deliberate advice, consultation and
composition between men, judging it convenient and behoveful; there being
no impossibility in nature considered by itself, but that man might have
lived without any public regiment, Hooker's Eccl. Pol. lib. i.
sect. 10.)
Sect. 75. Thus it was easy, and almost
natural for children, by a tacit, and scarce avoidable consent, to make
way for the father's authority and government. They had been
accustomed in their childhood to follow his direction, and to refer their
little differences to him, and when they were men, who fitter to rule
them? Their little properties, and less covetousness, seldom afforded
greater controversies; and when any should arise, where could they have a
fitter umpire than he, by whose care they had every one been sustained and
brought up, and who had a tenderness for them aII? It is no wonder that
they made no distinction betwixt minority and full age; nor looked after
one and twenty, or any other age that might make them the free disposers
of themselves and fortunes, when they could have no desire to be out of
their pupilage: the government they had been under, during it, continued
still to be more their protection than restraint; and they could no where
find a greater security to their peace, liberties, and fortunes, than in
the rule of a father.
Sec. 76. Thus the natural fathers of
families, by an insensible change, became the politic monarchs of them
too: and as they chanced to live long, and leave able and worthy heirs,
for several successions, or otherwise; so they laid the foundations of
hereditary, or elective kingdoms, under several constitutions and mannors,
according as chance, contrivance, or occasions happened to mould them. But
if princes have their titles in their fathers right, and it be a
sufficient proof of the natural right of fathers to political
authority, because they commonly were those in whose hands we find, de
facto, the exercise of government: I say, if this argument be good, it
will as strongly prove, that all princes, nay princes only, ought to be
priests, since it is as certain, that in the beginning, the father of
the family was priest, as that he was ruler in his own houshold.